本論文主要核心問題為：民粹主義如何在社群媒體上被政黨與政治人物傳播？本論文從既有研究歸納並提出三個理論上的不足。首先，雖然「民粹傳播」研究在概念上多半將民粹語言及民粹風格劃上等號，本論文則區分兩者的差別，且探索兩者關係。第二，過去文獻從橫向研究探究民粹行為者的傳播行為，本論文則嘗試提出一個全面、且互動性的分析，檢視不同政治行為者使用民粹語言及風格的差異。第三，不同於多數文獻強調歐洲與拉丁美洲國家的觀點，本論文提供一個歐亞比較的視角，檢視民粹傳播行為在不同社會情境下的差異。本論文從「傳播中心」途徑的視角檢驗政治行為者（政黨、政治人物）在臉書上的民粹傳播模式，並聚焦2020年台灣立法院選舉與2017年德國聯邦議會選舉。研究設計上，本論文採用不同的研究資料與混合研究方法進行分析。在章節安排上，本論文首先檢視民粹傳播行為，並聚焦在跨國與單一國家的分析。根據實證研究發現，本論文再提出理論的反思並且總結。本論文總結以下四個主要的研究貢獻：第一本論文嘗試從跨域視角針對民粹傳播現象提出一個啟發性的研究模型；第二本論文對民粹語言與民粹風格之間的關係提出初步的理論；第三本論文強調競選環境的刺激對於民粹傳播行為會因社會環境而有所差異；第四本論文指出民粹傳播模式在不同社會背景下異同。

The main research question tackled in this dissertation is as follows: How is populism communicated by political parties and politicians on their social media profiles? Drawing from current literature, this dissertation extracts three theoretical drawbacks. First, although most state-of-the-art research on populist communication has conceptually equated populist rhetoric to populist style, this dissertation distinguishes rhetorical and stylistic roles and investigates relationships between both. Second, previous studies have mostly accentuated communicative patterns of specific populists from cross-sectional analyses. However, this dissertation provides a comprehensive and time-series analysis that scrutinizes political actors’ rhetorical and stylistic uses of populist communication. Third, different from most populism literature emphasizing European and Latin American viewpoints, this dissertation provides a unique Asian-European perspective to compare populist communication patterns in different social contexts. Following the communication-centered approach, this dissertation focuses on populist communication patterns of political actors (i.e., political parties and politicians) on Facebook in Taiwan’s 2020 legislative election and Germany’s 2017 federal election. Methodologically, multiple methods for data acquisition and analysis are employed. Structurally, this dissertation first guides readers to scrutinize populist communication patterns at cross- and single-country perspectives. Then we offer theoretical reflections by systematically sketching the merits and omissions of the current research on populist communication. We conclude with four main contributions, 1) proposing a heuristic model of populist communication integrating theories of political science and communication studies, 2) initially theorizing relationships between populist rhetoric and style, 3) highlighting that the association between the campaign stimulus (election cycle) and the use of populist communication is context-dependent, 4) indicating similarities and discrepancies among populist communication in different social contexts.

Verification Letter of the Dissertation i
中文謝詞 ii
English Acknowledgement iv
中文摘要 vi
English Abstract vii
Preface ix
Table of Contents xi
List of Figures xvi
List of Tables xvii
Chapter 1 Introduction: Comparing Populist Communication Patterns From a Cross-Country Perspective 2
1.1 Two different stories behind current political turbulence in Taiwan and Germany 3
1.1.1 Germans in, refugees out: The European refugee crisis between 2015 and 2017 4
1.1.2 Growing from the refugee crisis: The rise of German far-right party AfD 6
1.1.3 Be careful of China’s manipulation! The anti-China wave after 2014 9
1.1.4 Rise of charismatic politicians and small parties: Does populism affect Taiwan’s democracy? 12
1.2 A vague term in social sciences: Theoretical debates on populism 15
1.2.1 Populism as an ideology 15
1.2.2 Populism as a strategy 17
1.2.3 Populism as a discursive logic 18
1.2.4 Populism as a communication style 20
1.3 Intensifying us-versus-them conflicts via digital communication: Why does this thesis study populist communication on Facebook? 21
1.4 Aims and scope of this study 23
1.4.1 A Heuristic model: Studying populist communication of political actors from a comparative perspective 23
1.4.2 Identifying the missing pieces in research of populist communication 29
1.4.3 Main research questions 30
1.5 Structure of the dissertation 31
Chapter 2 Methodology: Studying Populist Communication from a Multiple Approach 36
2.1 Datasets 37
2.1.1 Literature datasets 37
2.1.2 Facebook datasets 39
2.2 Codebooks and indicators 40
2.2.1 Indicators (Systematic evidence review) 40
2.2.2 Indicators (Populist communication behaviors on Facebook) 41
2.3 Coding procedure 44
2.3.1 Coding (Systematic evidence review) 44
2.3.2 Coding (Populist communication behaviors on Facebook) 45
2.4 Scores of intercoder reliability 46
2.5 Research methods 49
2.5.1 Content analysis 49
2.5.2 Systematic evidence review 50
2.5.3 Text-mining 50
2.5.4 Social network analysis (SNA) 51
2.5.5 (Multilevel) linear regression 52
2.5.6 Multiple corresponding analysis (MCA) 52
2.6 Research replicability: Access of datasets and R codes 53
Chapter 3 Adopting Populist Styles to Get Closer to the People? A Cross-country Comparison of Parties’ Facebook Contents in Taiwan and Germany 55
3.1 Introduction 55
3.2 Literature review 57
3.2.1 Populist communication on social media 57
3.2.2 Party types 59
3.2.3 Campaign stimulus 60
3.2.4 Stylistic roles in populist communication 61
3.3 Methodology 63
3.3.1 Case selection 63
3.3.2 Data 67
4.3.3 Coding procedure 67
3.3.4 Dependent variable 67
3.3.5 Independent variables 68
3.4 Findings 68
3.4.1 Descriptive analysis 68
3.4.2 Analysis of multilevel linear regression 70
3.5 Discussion and concluding remarks 76
3.6 Limitations and suggestions for future research 78
Chapter 4 Does the Left-right Ideological Distinction Help Differentiate ‘Populist’ Communicative Patterns on Social Media? An Analysis of the Facebook Posts of Two ‘Populist’ Candidates in the 2017 German Federal Election 80
4.1 Introduction 80
4.2 Literature review 81
4.2.1 Defining populism as a communication framework 81
4.2.2 Populist communication of the left-right cleavage on social media 84
4.3 Methodology 88
4.3.1 Case selection 88
4.3.2 Corpus and textual processing 90
4.3.3 Method 91
4.4 Findings 94
4.5 Discussion and concluding remarks 106
4.6 Limitations and future research 107
Chapter 5 Do Mainstream Parties Tactically Adopt a Populist Communication Framework in the Election? A Case Study of the 2020 Taiwanese National Election 110
5.1 Introduction 110
5.2 Literature review 111
5.2.1 Defining populist communication: rhetorical and stylistic characteristics 111
5.2.2 Campaign stimulus and the use of populist communication 113
5.2.3 Inclusion-moderation theories and the use of populist communication 114
5.3 Methodology 117
5.3.1 Case selection 117
5.3.2 Dataset 119
5.3.3 Coding procedure 120
5.3.4 Dependent variable 120
5.3.5 Independent variables 120
5.3.6 Method 121
5.4 Findings 121
5.4.1 Descriptive analysis 121
5.4.2 Regression analysis 123
5.4.3 Multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) 130
5.5 Discussion and concluding remarks 134
5.6 Limitations and suggestions for future research 137
Chapter 6 Merits and Missing Pieces in Research of Populist Communication: A Systematic Evidence Review (2011-2021) 140
6.1 Introduction 140
6.2 Methodology 142
6.2.1 Methods 142
6.2.2 Study revival and selecting criteria 143
6.2.3 Codebook and coder reliability 143
6.3 Findings: Evidence of a systematic review 143
6.3.1 Roles of populist rhetoric and style in studies of populist communication 143
6.3.2 Characteristics of the current state of research on populist communication 148
6.3.3 Application of actor-/communication-centered approaches in the current state of research on populist communication 157
6.3.4 Methods and data sources in the current state of research 160
6.4 Discussion and concluding remarks 164
6.4.1 Concepts and measurements 165
6.4.2 Research scope 166
6.4.3 Methods and data 166
6.5 Conversation between findings of empirical studies and evidence of systematic review 166
Chapter 7 Conclusion: Key Findings, Contributions, and Future Research Agendas 169
7.1 Key findings 170
7.1.1 Roles of rhetoric and style in populist communication 170
7.1.2 Dynamic populist communication patterns of political actors 172
7.1.3 Similarities and discrepancies of populist communication patterns in different social contexts 172
7.2 Where do we go from here? Outlining contributions and agendas for future research 173
7.2.1 Holding on to scholarly dissents or developing new theories? 173
7.2.2 Scrutinizing interactions of political parties from an interactive perspective 175
7.2.3 A new perspective on the Asian-European comparison 176
7.3 Limitations of the dissertation 177
7.3.1 A missing puzzle of Facebook users’ online engagement 177
7.3.2 A lack of longitudinal observation 177
7.3.3 Cautious about claiming that populism endangers democracy 178
7.4 Implications 179
7.4.1 Stop differentiating populists and non-populists 179
7.4.2 Awareness of parties’ messages on social media 180
References 181
Appendices 213

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